Mutability and fluidity of national and international alliances in Libya system was, by the fall of Moamar Colonel Gaddafi, one of the main sources of imbalance for the country. Depending on the historical period and the territorial context, Western forces have recalibrated, in fact, their alliances going to strengthen or weaken one or the other party. following the lead by Fayez to Sarraj formation of the National Government Agreement (GNA) it seemed that this ambiguity was over and that, under UN auspices, foreign powers had reached a compromise for a common path of national reconciliation. With this support, many local forces perceived as foreign interference, implied clutches with large social sectors, the conversion of recent weeks seems to ward off even more the possible solution of the Libyan issue.

Numerous protests have, in fact, crossed the country after the announcement of killing in western Libya a military helicopter with three French soldiers aboard. If at first the news, supported by tapping proving the French commitment in operations against the Islamic state, had been reported by Al Jazeera without confirmation of the French Government, in a second phase, Paris has had to recognize its military presence on Libyan territory. in this regard, at the end of last week, the Presidential Council of Libya would have summoned Antoine Sivan, France's ambassador to Libya, for an explanation about the involvement of France in the operation, presumably alongside General Khalifa Haftar.

As the informal presence of Western forces in the country had known for months and, in parallel, it was made evident by a well-defined geographic location that would follow the diplomatic and commercial interests of different powers, the efforts of France, Britain, the US and Italy in the country was presented as necessary for the formation and support of local forces. At the same time, the co-existence of centrifugal forces in favor of the break up of Libya into three areas, roughly overlapping the three major regions, Cyrenaica, Tripolitania and Fezzan, with a unitary government which had been placed international confidence, put relevant questions about future political and diplomatic developments.

To date, it seems that these contradictions have erupted in full force. According to many sources, following the victorious advance of Haftar with the Islamic State, the General beside would deployed, in addition to the French forces, even the UK and US. Only Italy, commercially rooted in Tripoli, would, however, maintained its position in favor of Sarraj. During the meeting held in Rome between Paolo Gentiloni and the UN envoy to Libya Martin Kobler, the Italian foreign minister would, in fact, it reiterated its support for the GNA that we hope "to be made ​​rapidly tangible progress to ensure the restoration of public services and improve the security situation in Libya, starting from Tripoli with the concrete establishment of the presidential Guard."

Against this background and given the long-Egyptian support given to Haftar and the Government of Tobruk, no wonder Sarraj July 27 is flown to Cairo to discuss the latest developments in Libya and mediate with the Egyptian Government a plan contrary to the phenomenon jihadist in. the obvious change in Western strategy leaves, in fact, the GNA isolated and the role of general Al Sisi is increasingly central to the definition of alliances and the future leadership of the country.

That is why we read the events subsequent to this meeting. A few hours after the arrival of Sarraj in Cairo, ANSA reported that the Egyptian Foreign Ministry said they would "have received as part of Egyptian efforts aimed at re-create stability and security in the neighboring country, a series of meetings between the President the Chamber of deputies of Tobruk, Akila Saleh, the chairman of the presidential Council, Fayez to Sarraj, along with some personalities of the Board ". Meetings that were intended to a "rapprochement between the parties to find solutions to preserve the interests of the Libyan people and strengthen state institutions so that everyone to assume their responsibilities and able to enjoy their rights."

The relationship between these statements and openings to Haftar made ​​by GNA during the meetings of the inter-Libyan political dialogue held in Tunis in mid-July are evident. Sarraj, seeking an extension of the consensus, increasingly blurred both nationally both internationally, he was seeking a way out of the deadlock in which it seems to have fallen on his government and openness to Tobruk appears, in this view, inescapable.