To see him, one imagines evil warlord, still less in general shock shaking the equilibrium of Libya. Khalifa Haftar, 73, would more easily look as a retired school teacher, won by nonchalance. He has white hair carefully smoothed back. And then you notice a vanity: his brown mustache, obviously dyed. And pride: the gold color of stars pricking his epaulettes, which contrasts with the olive green of his uniform wrinkles. There is a general course. But how are those ones who have never taken seriously? Western diplomats have often despised his presumptions of "savior" operetta, as deadly and ineffective.
In Washington, Paris, London, Rome or Berlin, at a time when politicians desperately concocted plans to stabilize a post-Gaddafi Libya in chaos.
General Haftar was always seen as a problem, frankly, never as a solution. The most generous saw him as a "disaster". And now ? Since the forces of the Libyan National Army (LNA) he directs took on 13 September, Crescent Petroleum, the main export platform of Libyan crude located in Cyrenaica, the look is in changing on general Haftar. He is no longer the one who proclaims false victories, destroying blindly without anything ever conquer. After taking over this summer most of Benghazi "terrorist" (label under which he puts all his opponents), controlling the economic heart of Libya which handles half the oil exported. So, it is the entire UN plan on Libya, from a political agreement (signed late 2015 in Skhirat in Morocco) to the sideline, now mortgaged by recent breakthroughs General Haftar.
"We have the same enemy!", he often says.
In meeting March 2015 in the disused airbase Marj, located sixty kilometers east of Benghazi, the evil general conceals his bitterness towards the West. Outside, surrounding the pale yellow building where General housed its headquarters, alfalfa fields coat surround Russian tanks out of service, pick-up machine guns sheathed with a cover and freshly supplied ammunition boxes. With Western journalist, General Haftar insists: "We have the same enemy!". He, who is leading the fight against "terrorists" and "extremists", it displays a touchy amazement reserves and inspired critics dubbed his offensive Karama (Dignity) in UN as in Western capitals.
At the time, the mediators were active in forging a peace plan between the Parliament exiled in Tobruk, with Haftar as the military leader and the political-military bloc Fajr Libya (Dawn of Libya ) prevailing in Tripoli in the west, where Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist factions have a significant influence. General Haftar has unshakable certainties. He is not supported by Egypt's marshal Sissi incidentally. In his eyes, the Muslim Brotherhood, and the proponents of political Islam in general, are only "terrorists" with whom it is useless to talk. "You cannot argue with these groups," he says. The only solution: the war to defeat the opponent. "A disaster" grimaces a European diplomat based in Tunis, the rear base of chancelleries working in Libya.
Haftar polarizes where diplomats want to reconcile. The general supporters are loyal and enthusiastic, that's certain. To the east of the country, Cyrenaica, his motherland, his approval rating is at the top. His supporters see him as a brave patriot who had the guts to stand up against the extremist militias - orbiting Ansar Al-Sharia - which were delivered in 2013 in Benghazi in a bloody campaign of assassinations against their opponents, intellectuals, activists of civil society. But he equally met opponents. For them, Haftar is only a "coup" nostalgic methods Gaddafi, a "war criminal", gravedigger of the 2011 Revolution ideals. How to build a Libyan peace around a figure so divisive?
Haftar and Gaddafi: the alliance is strong
To understand the sulphurous image associated with Haftar, one must go back, go up the thread of his military career. Born in 1943 in Ajdabiya on the coast of Cyrenaica, he studied at the Military Academy in Benghazi and refines his officer training in Nasser's Egypt and the Soviet Union. The time is fevered by the rise of Arab nationalism. In 1969, he, along with unknown Moammar Gadhafi, 0ne yearolder, during the coup which overthrew King Idris and established the "Libyan Arab Republic." Haftar between Gaddafi and the alliance is strong. Confidence is such that the "Guide of the Revolution" entrusts Haftar the head of the Libyan contingent supporting Egypt during the War of Yom Kippur in 1973.
And thirteen years later, in 1986, he commanded the troops of Tripoli intervening in Chad against the regime of Hissène Habré. And that's when everything goes wrong. The Libyans were defeated in 1987 during the "war of Toyotas." Humiliation is scathing: a thousand Libyan soldiers killed and from 300 to 400 prisoners, including Haftar himself. Gaddafi, who will not take responsibility for the disaster, disavows Haftar and his men. The affront is irreparable. Haftar passes to the opposition. In retrospect, it is a severe judgment on the Libyan intervention in Chad: "We were going from war to war in Africa, our country had no interest in all this, our men have died for nothing. "Becoming opponent, he joined national salvation front of Libya (FSNL) which had a base in Chad, supported by CIA. From there it foments a coup against Gaddafi.
Due the chronic Chadian instability and political disturbs in1990, the Americans filtered - him and his 350 men - to Zaire. Kinshasa will not hold long and defectors arrived in Kenya. Finally, Washington will agree to host him on American soil.
Coincidentally, Haftar moved to Falls Church, Virginia, a small town of 13.000 inhabitants located 9 kilometers from ... Langley, the CIA headquarter. What was the real nature of the relationship between the CIA and Haftar? And their evolution over the years? From 2003, the opponents score as Haftar necessarily depreciated as Washington warmed his relationship with Gaddafi, who has announced the abandonment of its mass destruction weapons acquisition program.
In 2011, the time for revenge has come. When the anti-Gaddafi revolt broke out in Benghazi, he rushes on site to offer its services to the rebellion. It is a constant in Haftar: he is always "called" by destiny and requested by people. "My fellows asked me to return to help country fights the old regime, I responded to their request". His role was real but modest. Once the task accomplished, he returned to Virginia to "lead a quiet life" In fact, he had not found its place in the direction of the rebellion. This is only a postponement. While the post-Gaddafi Libya disintegrates in 2013 with the reign of militias and its fragmentation into rival fiefdoms, he was again "called". "I could not sit and watch, I answered the call of duty. "
Things were certainly serious with assassination campaign orchestrated by radical Islamists in Benghazi. "I am drawn again to serve my country’’. In May 2014, he launched the "Dignity" campaign, paving the way for the civil war which broke out on a large scale during the summer of same year. It multiplies the rallies: anti-Islamist liberals, formerly Gaddafi tribal networks (Warshefana, Warfalla, etc.), Eastern tribes, former soldiers back, heirs of Arab nationalism into the Muslim Brotherhood to fight a Western conspiracy. Egypt and UAE generously arming them, in violation of the embargo imposed by the UN in 2011.
While the organization Islamic State (IS) threated more clearly Europe, the fight against DAESH is useful. In Benina airport Benghazi, this summer, there were not only French - members of the Action Service of the General Directorate for External Security - to help target jihadist core in the city. Americans and British were there too.
None can ignore now Haftar in Libyan distress. And even if the Libyan impasse (deadlock) has never been so deep.
Conclusion is that great majority of Libyans wants him.
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