It's been a hellish week end for Libya, torn by a civil war in a context of generalized anarchy where to lord are the weapons: Friday, September 14 militiamen loyal to former Prime Minister Islamist al-Khalifa Ghwell took control of the Tripoli area around the Hotel Rixos and occupied the headquarters of the State Council, announcing a "shot" state at a news conference a few hours later. The militias did not have to fire a shot because the local security forces have turned to escape without posing the problem in the least.
Firefights occurred thereafter for the whole weekend in the area of the naval base in Abu Seta, in Tripoli, just between the militias of al-Gwell and loyalists to the government of national unity, which the former prime minister has coup called "illegal executive authority." In the night between Saturday and Sunday, a column of 50 military vehicles left Misurata, where 300 Italian soldiers are also operating, heading for Tripoli to support and defend the government of al-Serraj and Sunday afternoon, October 16, the UN envoy Martin Kobler has clearly stated, on behalf of the UN, his disappointment at the worsening situation in Tripoli: "These actions generate more disorder and insecurity must end for the benefit of the Libyan people."
Meanwhile, the Libyan government is located in Tunisia, barricaded in a hotel trying to unravel the many and complicated skeins Libyan, playing endless meetings: too dangerous to stay in Tripoli. The coup leaders have restored the old administration, the "national salvation government", and al-Ghwell himself decreed the "failure" of the current Presidency of the Council and the UN-backed government. Six months after the advent of al-Serraj government, the result of a deal that seemed endless, and that certainly was characterized by considerable political fragility, Libya falls back again into chaos and a "new" actor made his entrance on the Libyan scene Khalifa al-Gwell.
Across the country, in the west of Tobruk controlled by men of General Khalifa Haftar, Parliament is not recognized by the UN and the government-to Serraj met Monday, October 17 and has basically established a wait-position, to observe the as the events and then decide what to do: "Now we have two governments in Tripoli [...] the situation there is always out of control: it is a city where live 150 different militias," said the MP Salah Suhbi, highlighting what is undoubtedly the main problem of the government-to Serraj: the failure to set its own security force loyal to its institutional political program. Without the presence of the institutions in the streets, like the Police or the Army, the Libyan capital was literally divided between the different lords of the local militia, in a power struggle that the coup of the men of al-Gwell simply exemplified.
In recent days the British ambassador in Tripoli Peter Millett has decided to move to Tunis for personal security reasons: kidnapping her both to extortion purposes that do not, are on the agenda.
In light of all this one wonders military sense of commitment in place by the various souls of the international coalition, only Great Britain and Italy have sent to Libya 5,000 units since the beginning of 2016 to train army men government, the same that if they are taken to his heels in front of the coup plotters without a shot shoot. There is also another aspect, certainly not secondary, that brings out more of a doubt about the meaning of the Italian presence in Misrata: according Frederic Wehrey, a research associate of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the militias of Misrata - trained, armed and cured by Italians - they are divided internally into two factions in an internecine struggle for supremacy of one: on the one hand there are the Salafis and the Muslim Brotherhood on the other. The first go the 604esimo Infantry Battalion, the brother commands former imam of Cordoba, the cleric Khalid bin Rajab al-Firjani brutally killed by Islamic State this summer after he had publicly criticized and rejected the Islamists to use his mosque for their sermons, and are supported by the Salafis commanders of different Tripolitan militias, such as the Battalion Bab Tajura or Special Deterrence Force Tripoli, faithful to Abdelraouf Kara.
The 604th Battalion joined in May with the coalition of various armed groups revamped by al-Serraj government uniting fighters from Sirte, Bani Walid, Tripoli, Zintan, Zliten and Sabha. Almost exclusively Salafis, very active against the Islamic State and the Islamic faction, are considered "Salafists quietist", that is, followers of the doctrine of religious obedience Rabia bin Hadi al-Madkhali: no electoral activism or armed struggle and decades of hatred for the Brotherhood Muslim, the other soul of the militias of Misrata fighting the Daesh Islamists and al-Qaeda.
The Madkhali followers took his foot in Libya about ten years ago, and after the fall of Gaddafi have literally destroyed the Sufi heritage of Libya and persecuted brotherhood: their social control policies were characterized by the anti-vice police and dall ' very strict application of moral rules of Sharia. Today they are fighting alongside the militias Haftar in eastern Libya and alongside the Tripolitan government forces in western Libya, taking care to keep the foot in both camps rather uncomfortable.
The other soul of the militias of Misrata is the Muslim Brotherhood, as the Misratan: followers of the Mufti of Tripoli Sadiq al-Ghariani, there are many who believe that the Salafis freed from Sirte Daesh their intent is to dominate the local, religious institutions , policy and public security. The same fears that nourish the Brothers to the Salafist militias: a dog chasing its tail.
The differences between the two souls of the Tripolitanian coalition militias, however, are not only political and religious roots but also tribal: the local tribal rivalry and Sirtawi Warfalla, for example, are now more alive than ever.
With the choice of al-Serraj government to remain in Tunisia for the risk of security reasons it is that these souls in conflict, until now capable - at least partially - to fight with a common enemy, they can get away, even if you do not clash, and open a new crisis scenario in its already quite complicated Libyan mosaic. Meanwhile the Americans have significantly increased the number of air strikes in Libya from September 21 were carried out 324 raids on the country, more than double those of the previous month, in contrast with the finding of the White House on August 1, when Obama he explained that the bombing campaign would focus only briefly on the coastal area. In late September, the campaign was extended and extended, as well as intensified, and a US military official revealed to Fox News that the intervention is expected to last several months. And this despite the occupant of the White House had defined, in January, as his "worst mistake" just the American interference in Libya for Gaddafi's fall, exactly five years ago.
20 October 2011 Muammar Gaddafi was pulled out of the hole in which he was hiding, beaten and humiliated, loaded on the hood of a pickup and executed among the liberation of the rebels screams. Today Libya has not authoritative centralized authority, has a coup government in the capital itself, a rebel parliament in Tobruk, rampant crime, is a valuable hub for human traffickers, its economy virtually does not exist anymore and the country is fragmented into an almost irreparable, torn by ethnic conflicts, religious and power. A political national tragedy, humanitarian and identity that reflected on Europe, Africa and the Middle East compounded by quarrelsome Libyans and ancient grudges, and the interests of foreign countries: Egypt, Al-Sisi the different souls of the international coalition, with France, which seems to support Haftar while all other supporting al-Serraj. A chaos that is increasingly ungovernable.
Firefights occurred thereafter for the whole weekend in the area of the naval base in Abu Seta, in Tripoli, just between the militias of al-Gwell and loyalists to the government of national unity, which the former prime minister has coup called "illegal executive authority." In the night between Saturday and Sunday, a column of 50 military vehicles left Misurata, where 300 Italian soldiers are also operating, heading for Tripoli to support and defend the government of al-Serraj and Sunday afternoon, October 16, the UN envoy Martin Kobler has clearly stated, on behalf of the UN, his disappointment at the worsening situation in Tripoli: "These actions generate more disorder and insecurity must end for the benefit of the Libyan people."
Meanwhile, the Libyan government is located in Tunisia, barricaded in a hotel trying to unravel the many and complicated skeins Libyan, playing endless meetings: too dangerous to stay in Tripoli. The coup leaders have restored the old administration, the "national salvation government", and al-Ghwell himself decreed the "failure" of the current Presidency of the Council and the UN-backed government. Six months after the advent of al-Serraj government, the result of a deal that seemed endless, and that certainly was characterized by considerable political fragility, Libya falls back again into chaos and a "new" actor made his entrance on the Libyan scene Khalifa al-Gwell.
Across the country, in the west of Tobruk controlled by men of General Khalifa Haftar, Parliament is not recognized by the UN and the government-to Serraj met Monday, October 17 and has basically established a wait-position, to observe the as the events and then decide what to do: "Now we have two governments in Tripoli [...] the situation there is always out of control: it is a city where live 150 different militias," said the MP Salah Suhbi, highlighting what is undoubtedly the main problem of the government-to Serraj: the failure to set its own security force loyal to its institutional political program. Without the presence of the institutions in the streets, like the Police or the Army, the Libyan capital was literally divided between the different lords of the local militia, in a power struggle that the coup of the men of al-Gwell simply exemplified.
In recent days the British ambassador in Tripoli Peter Millett has decided to move to Tunis for personal security reasons: kidnapping her both to extortion purposes that do not, are on the agenda.
In light of all this one wonders military sense of commitment in place by the various souls of the international coalition, only Great Britain and Italy have sent to Libya 5,000 units since the beginning of 2016 to train army men government, the same that if they are taken to his heels in front of the coup plotters without a shot shoot. There is also another aspect, certainly not secondary, that brings out more of a doubt about the meaning of the Italian presence in Misrata: according Frederic Wehrey, a research associate of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, the militias of Misrata - trained, armed and cured by Italians - they are divided internally into two factions in an internecine struggle for supremacy of one: on the one hand there are the Salafis and the Muslim Brotherhood on the other. The first go the 604esimo Infantry Battalion, the brother commands former imam of Cordoba, the cleric Khalid bin Rajab al-Firjani brutally killed by Islamic State this summer after he had publicly criticized and rejected the Islamists to use his mosque for their sermons, and are supported by the Salafis commanders of different Tripolitan militias, such as the Battalion Bab Tajura or Special Deterrence Force Tripoli, faithful to Abdelraouf Kara.
The 604th Battalion joined in May with the coalition of various armed groups revamped by al-Serraj government uniting fighters from Sirte, Bani Walid, Tripoli, Zintan, Zliten and Sabha. Almost exclusively Salafis, very active against the Islamic State and the Islamic faction, are considered "Salafists quietist", that is, followers of the doctrine of religious obedience Rabia bin Hadi al-Madkhali: no electoral activism or armed struggle and decades of hatred for the Brotherhood Muslim, the other soul of the militias of Misrata fighting the Daesh Islamists and al-Qaeda.
The Madkhali followers took his foot in Libya about ten years ago, and after the fall of Gaddafi have literally destroyed the Sufi heritage of Libya and persecuted brotherhood: their social control policies were characterized by the anti-vice police and dall ' very strict application of moral rules of Sharia. Today they are fighting alongside the militias Haftar in eastern Libya and alongside the Tripolitan government forces in western Libya, taking care to keep the foot in both camps rather uncomfortable.
The other soul of the militias of Misrata is the Muslim Brotherhood, as the Misratan: followers of the Mufti of Tripoli Sadiq al-Ghariani, there are many who believe that the Salafis freed from Sirte Daesh their intent is to dominate the local, religious institutions , policy and public security. The same fears that nourish the Brothers to the Salafist militias: a dog chasing its tail.
The differences between the two souls of the Tripolitanian coalition militias, however, are not only political and religious roots but also tribal: the local tribal rivalry and Sirtawi Warfalla, for example, are now more alive than ever.
With the choice of al-Serraj government to remain in Tunisia for the risk of security reasons it is that these souls in conflict, until now capable - at least partially - to fight with a common enemy, they can get away, even if you do not clash, and open a new crisis scenario in its already quite complicated Libyan mosaic. Meanwhile the Americans have significantly increased the number of air strikes in Libya from September 21 were carried out 324 raids on the country, more than double those of the previous month, in contrast with the finding of the White House on August 1, when Obama he explained that the bombing campaign would focus only briefly on the coastal area. In late September, the campaign was extended and extended, as well as intensified, and a US military official revealed to Fox News that the intervention is expected to last several months. And this despite the occupant of the White House had defined, in January, as his "worst mistake" just the American interference in Libya for Gaddafi's fall, exactly five years ago.
20 October 2011 Muammar Gaddafi was pulled out of the hole in which he was hiding, beaten and humiliated, loaded on the hood of a pickup and executed among the liberation of the rebels screams. Today Libya has not authoritative centralized authority, has a coup government in the capital itself, a rebel parliament in Tobruk, rampant crime, is a valuable hub for human traffickers, its economy virtually does not exist anymore and the country is fragmented into an almost irreparable, torn by ethnic conflicts, religious and power. A political national tragedy, humanitarian and identity that reflected on Europe, Africa and the Middle East compounded by quarrelsome Libyans and ancient grudges, and the interests of foreign countries: Egypt, Al-Sisi the different souls of the international coalition, with France, which seems to support Haftar while all other supporting al-Serraj. A chaos that is increasingly ungovernable.
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